Italy: Is culture thicker than blood?

Bologna: From a theater stage in Bologna on November 9, Nadeesha Uyangoda addressed a crowd of a few hundred people who wanted to learn more about the debate on citizenship law reform currently dominating Italian news.

“Ethnic minorities in Italy are often used as instruments of political propaganda, both by the right wing, to encourage white nationalism, and the left wing, just to accuse the opposition,” she said. “Our request is to legally acknowledge our existence.”

This past October, the Italian Parliament’s Constitutional Affairs Committee brought back to the table the discussion about a reform of the citizenship law currently in force, which dates back to 1992 and mainly awards Italian citizenship through blood ties.

The so-called jus culturae (Latin for “cultural right”) would offer a third alternative to the more common jus soli and jus sanguinis, which recognize birthright citizenship and citizenship by bloodlines, respectively. The reform instead proposes citizenship by cultural assimilation, mainly through the Italian education system, and aims to support demographic growth in a country with low birth rates.

The jus culturae (Latin for “cultural right”) reform proposes recognizing citizenship by cultural assimilation, mainly through the Italian education system, rather than through birthright or bloodlines.

The reform debate began in 2016 under former center-left Prime Minister Matteo Renzi’s leadership, but it was then abandoned after the populist government that came to power in early 2018 targeted migrants through xenophobic laws that stripped newly arrived migrants of humanitarian protection rights.

According to a report, during the 2017-2018 academic year, 842,000 “foreign” students enrolled at Italian public schools didn’t have Italian citizenship. (The report labels as foreign those students who hold residence permits but not Italian nationality.) If approved, the law will deliver automatic citizenship to all those children who were born in or entered Italy before turning 12 and finished at least five years of Italian schooling.

The current coalition in power is divided over its approval, with the left-wing Democratic Party partly backing it, while the populist Five Star Movement is openly trying to push back its discussion in the Senate, saying it should not be a priority for this government.

Uyangoda was speaking at the Festival of New Italian Generations, organized by Next Generation Italy, a grassroots group of first- and second-generation Italians. Their work aims to give a voice to young Italians with immigrant backgrounds who do not feel sufficiently represented in Italian politics and are now asserting the importance of their citizenship rights and demanding fair representation in politics. It’s a rare opportunity for Italians to hear and learn directly from those affected by Italy’s immigration policies—rather than from politicians with no skin in the game.

Uyangoda, a 26-year-old journalist and migration rights activist, moved to Italy with her family 20 years ago, fleeing Sri Lanka’s civil war. Despite having known no other home than Italy ever since, she cannot fully call herself Italian, because she doesn’t have the legal documents attesting it.

She could have applied for citizenship after turning 18, but she didn’t do so during the one-year period during which people in situations like hers are permitted to apply for citizenship. After they turn 19 and want to apply, they have to provide a legal declaration giving a valid reason for not having applied during that one-year period.

“It became a matter of principle. I wanted it to be a naturally recognized right, not something I had to ask for,” Uyangoda said.

She is part of a growing number of Italian-raised descendants of immigrants demanding more visibility. Currently, one of the requirements for a citizenship application is providing evidence of sufficient income for the whole family.